[S]elections in Minnesota: An Introduction to How Machines Controlled 2020
[S]elections in Minnesota: An Introduction to How Machines Controlled 2020
Erik van Mechelen
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Since we know what we will find when we do our audits—

That we’ve been duped.

Yes, so what’s stopping us from reformulating our election processes as you described earlier and then immediately calling for new elections?


—From a conversation between Col. Phil Waldren and the author inside The Military Heritage Alliance around 6pm on Day Three of Mike Lindell’s Cyber Symposium in Sioux Falls, South Dakota, August 2021

As the two buses converged from the left and right into our lane I wondered whether this road was safe for bicycles. When we’d agreed to tea fifteen minutes prior my family wasn’t expecting to navigate a minor highway on two wheels. Our tour guide slipped through the gap, not far behind were Mom and Dad who decided to go for it. My brothers and I were forced to brake and cars behind us honked, not in solidarity, but at least they didn’t hit us. Losing sight of Mom and Dad as the buses zipped the lane shut, I briefly imagined them being crushed. Moments later, materializing out of the cloud of exhaust on that hazy winter morning were Mom and Dad and the guide, each still in their saddle. It was 2005 and there were far fewer bikes in Beijing than I’d recalled in our 1998 visit. Just before the people’s uprising in Jakarta prompted Suharto to step aside from the Presidency after a thirty-two-year reign, on one day’s notice we flew into Singapore; after receiving word that school was canceled for the year, we decided to visit China for the first time.

Seven years later, we were residents on a bike tour. Now off the main road, we navigated tight alleys connecting traditional courtyard residences in Old Beijing, some dating back to the thirteenth century. Parking next to a red door beneath a slanting tiled roof, our guide knocked and announced us. A smiling, elderly woman answered and soon we stepped over the threshold into a quiet courtyard anchored beautifully by a gently swaying tree. We were shown to a small room a few steps further along. We did not take off our coats, as there was no heating (or insulation) but here at least the walls sheltered us from the wind’s bite. We were all keen for the hot tea soon set before us but especially thankful was my older brother whose frozen hands around the cup were eventually thawed, albeit painfully. We sat around a low stone table and sipped our tea while our guide translated our host’s words, including her family’s history, and what life was like in her community. I don’t remember the details, only the feeling. Having expended considerable physical effort and survived both the elements and the attempted bus squeeze, we were as travelers taking temporary refuge from a storm, content for simple pleasures. My Chinese was the best it has been, but only hai keyi, not good enough to verify everything our guide translated. Even so, we were soon transported through time by our host’s tale.

After receiving my high school diploma from the International School of Beijing in 2006, I soon returned to the United States to attend college in Minnesota. In short order however I learned that back in the Chinese capital several thousand traditional homes just like the one we’d visited, along with their more than seven hundred years of history, were bulldozed. Officially this was done to make room for sports venues and other infrastructure for the 2008 Olympic Games, but word on the street was that the Party was embarrassed by the hutong, which were viewed as downtrodden and often occupied by the poor. (Not unlike the opinion voiced by Hillary toward ‘deplorables’ on the campaign trail, a metaphor attempting to degrade not only Middle America, the heartland, but also We the People everywhere.) I learned that the residents, at the time of their evictions, were not compensated appropriately to the point that they couldn’t easily find other places to live.

We lived in Shunyi District, a rural area east of Beijing. The street between our school and the local villages was still covered in fall by corn kernels laid to dry by farmers. In their neighborhoods my new school friends once treated me to a plentiful noon meal for about a dollar a person.

Corn Drying on Road

It was not clear how long these rural areas would last as the city expanded eastward toward us. I remember large clusters of residential apartment buildings rising quickly from the landscape, one day webbed by bamboo scaffolding, completed the next. To this day I wonder how many of the workers who toiled all day and through the night were not Chinese but North Korean workers on surreptitious loan. The pace of building in the last decade contributed to the ghost city phenomenon; the sociological manifestation of a “one child” policy the Chinese ruling class boasted of—as the rest of the world shrugged its shoulders. While my two brothers and I sat in a tea shop near the Terra Cotta warriors museum in Xi’an, a plate of melon arrived without our request, the server murmuring “san ge, san ge” (three) as she stepped away. While China’s one-child policy destroyed families and removed the ability to create generational wealth, policies in America undermined families from a different angle, incentivizing single-mom families and attacking the very idea of man and woman.

Prior to our arrival I knew little about China. When I shared my family was moving to Beijing, my history teacher in Houston remarked, That’s interesting. You know, China is a Communist country! Actually, I didn’t really know. I thought the term merely referred to an economic system. At age seventeen without the context of Communist disasters throughout history, I was going in blind.

It would take years for my eyes to be truly opened. But my first glimpses of understanding came in the usual ways: exploring my surroundings, conversations, books. With my adventurous mother I hiked the wild sections of the Great Wall and glimpsed how the people lived in the villages nestled against the ancient divider visible from space. On my return in 2008, I chatted with migrant workers outside the gates of East China Normal University in Shanghai while they cooked dumplings or slapped dough on the inside of a metal barrel. The bread man travelled daily from outside the sprawling city, here standing all day in the cold and frequent drizzle to sell portions for a quarter a piece. I bought a decent amount but in my defense, he was competing with other food sellers. I came to learn through my classmate Deanna’s research that he was one of approximately 300 million migrant workers throughout the country, at the time equivalent to the entire population of the United States. The international press lauded the country’s economic growth but there was a tragic number of people yet to rise out of poverty. China’s economic growth, of course, came at the detriment of America’s economy and the overall quality of goods. At Christmas in recent years, my dad opened a small metal tin to reveal wooden toys, still beautifully preserved, which had entertained him for many hours during his childhood.

Present day China was rough on the people, but their near-term past was arguably tougher. Mao’s policies devastated the country and as a result tens of millions of lives were lost. The chaperone of a 2008 trip, an economics professor who grew up during the Cultural Revolution, shared with me how she and her grandmother hid in the kitchen stove when Mao’s Red Guards showed up unannounced and took her father away; he was never to be seen again. In Ji Xianlin’s The Cowshed: Memories of the Chinese Cultural Revolution, I learned how a once-respected professor was interrogated by his own students and made to build a holding cell for he and fellow intellectual colleagues labeled class enemies. These were commonplace experiences, normalizing total control of the mind and body for what no one in their right mind (not even Mao) would truly suffer. The total control of the Chinese population was first instantiated in fear, then through elections, establishing a uniparty governance model since the foundation of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in 1949.

While I didn’t have a robust understanding of the comparative political models in question, I knew that Beijing wasn’t a place I would ever want to live for very long. Evenings walking our neighborhood I wondered whether the guards were there for our safety or as our monitors. In our living room, below two fire alarms, the purpose of the second my family never did surmise, the television regularly went static at any mention of China. Our church services were held in a conference room inside the neighborhood since there were no Christian churches; Chinese nationals were forbidden from attending.

When I moved back to the United States of America, though my understanding of this country’s founding was still murky, I had a deeper appreciation for the spirit of freedom, central to our founding and identity. It must be said that this yearning not to be a slave is alive and well in many places I’ve traveled, including China, where I’d just moved from.

On June 12, 2015, the Department of Defense published the Law of War Manual. This is a text describing a humanitarian approach to war based off of the Lieber Code and law of war manuals from several countries. In itself, a significant publication, which was accentuated when paired with Donald John Trump’s presidential campaign announcement four days later. This was the first of many signals that a military occupation and continuity of government (a continuity of operations plan) was under way. With each passing day it seems increasingly likely that this plan will succeed in returning the power from the Washington establishment to the people, and much, much more, an intent that apparently existed with John Fitzgerald Kennedy—see, for instance, his Peace speech on June 10, 1963—and perhaps long before. One veteran, Derek Johnson, has outlined much of this on https://thedocuments.info, where my study began and continues.

Here I give you a few lines from page one of Derek Johnson’s Military Occupancy 2016:

But, if you’d seek to understand the Law of War Manual written in 2015 and updated in December 2016… by understanding the Art of War, Military Strategic Thinking, Planning, and Operations, along with Optics and Code Language, mixed with the Uniform Code of Military Justice, the Military Justice Act of 2016, the Constitution of the United States of America, the Declaration of Independence, and our Military Foundation, and use those as the Outline and the Umbrella AROUND all of the Laws and Orders from the Federal side from 2017 to January 2021, it will benefit you greatly and you can begin to see just how Biblical, Monumental, and Historic this Covert Sting Operation really is.

In some respects, Derek’s suggestion seems like a lot of work. That said, I believe about 45-47 hours of study, perhaps an hour a day leaving Sundays to rest, still allows for a great introduction in under 60 days and therefore might be a simple curriculum for American high school (if not middle school) students to follow. Anyway, the scope and depth of that material is slightly beyond this book but is important context which I’ll refer to occasionally. My personal study continues on same. All those manuals, legislation, documents, and resources are in the public domain and are easily accessable to anyone with an internet connection.

In September 2014 I turned 27 years of age and had on my birthday decided to give my two week’s notice to Target. I believed to be severing my connection with corporate America, while, unbeknownst to me, I remained a slave to the Federal Corporation via my nine-digit social security number. But over and above that, my general ignorance to the country’s situation, its sickness, as well as the pandemics of trafficking meant I lacked the context to walk the narrow path.

Instead, preparations were being made to move into the A-Mill Artist Lofts located in the renovated flour mill along the Mississippi River in Minneapolis where I planned to continue creative writing and freelance writing projects. The next year, 2016, as November 8 approached, my mother called expressing her concern about Hillary’s involvement in Benghazi and how she couldn’t bear to see her in the White House. I don’t remember how carefully I considered the decision as evidenced by not being able to answer clearly why I’d voted for Donald John Trump—apart from basic policy preferences—when gathered with friends the evening of November the 9th. With my attention elsewhere, I’d missed critical events such as Seth Rich’s murder and the release of the Clinton and Podesta emails.

As 2016 waned, I was unaware of the Military Justice Act of 2016 which made significant changes to the Uniform Code of Military Justice. I was also oblivious to the fact that preparations had been made for a worldwide military occupancy and a deconstruction of the Federal Corporation established in the Act of 1871, a long-standing deception which tries to turn people into citizens, a proud title and most important office in a democracy, according to President Obama in his farewell address. Thank God and thank the militaries of the world for creating a context to put that to bed. In the coming months I pray we will see it unravel and a reconstitution be made as described in the appendix of Federal Continuity Directive 1, published on January 17, 2017, three days before Donald John Trump said, during his inauguration speech, flanked by Military Intelligence and Judge Advocate General, that the power was being taken away from the Washington establishment and returned to the people.

Chapter One

This was how I joined one of America’s largest investigations.

It was evening on October 13, 2021 at the Ramsey City Hall. Incredibly, almost a year had passed since November 3, 2020, and my education was only just beginning: finally, I’d decided to attend an in-person event about election reform.

There I soon met Teri, who was organizing this ‘I Thought I Voted’-sponsored event, where Rick would soon present. The videographer was missing, and since there was a newly-purchased video camera hanging around my neck I offered to take his place. I was new to this, though: from a chair near the front, stage right, without a tripod, the camera shook a bit in my hands as Rick began to speak.

Before and since, to a variety of audiences, Rick has described himself as a tax refugee from Minnesota, living just over the border in South Dakota. In the aughts and teens, he was on the city council and then mayor of a small town, St. Bonifacius, on the edge Hennepin County, MN. In 2016 hacked into the converted iPads during KnowInk’s epollbook pitch and therefore declined the contract (the only municipality in the county to do so). In addition to a comprehension of election equipment, election statutes, and election process and procedures, his involvement in the Minnesota Republican Party gave him political experience. And he also knew about computers. If they worked, he said, he wouldn’t have a computer security business. Rick is humble, kind, competent, and stands in a Biblical foundation, occasionally quoting the likes of James 1:25 in an inviting way. But don’t let your compassionate nature fool you. He is more than capable of expressing himself and perhaps only temperance has stayed his hand when others may have lost their cool.

Since that time, Rick did many things, perhaps most significant of which was working with a team which succeeded in getting ES&S executives at the Nebraska headquarters to admit that cast vote record functionality does in fact exist in all their tabulators. Rick was also, ironically it could be said, appointed to city council in Elkton and in November 2023 filed to run for South Dakota House of Representatives in 2024.

That evening way back in 2021 he spoke first about expectations that the public has, or should have, from local government. Expectations may be justifiably low, but why shouldn’t they be high? And is it not true that how the government runs elections is an indicator of how well everything else is done?

Of particular interest to me was the fact that on November 29, 2020, about 734,000 absentee ballots were not connected with voters in the Statewide Voter Registration System 25 days after the election, and worse, five days after the Minnesota State Canvassing Board had certified Minnesota’s results. (It is not required in statute for this to be done, but it is unclear how the results could be verified properly without such basic work being complete, in particular once learning that it takes a few computer clicks, at most, to accomplish this task.)

Since that night, Rick and I have spoken reguarly, if not often, after he started to share more about what he was up to when I started going to commissioner meetings in Dakota County. Mostly, I have reported on the work he has done and the work he has inspired others to do.

Chatting with Teri after, she asked if I knew the shorter woman who had happened to walk in the same time as me (we weren’t together), because early on in the talk she had from the front row turned around and scanned the room with her phone. This was a reminder that this work was going to involve some interesting characters, a reality already experienced at the Cyber Symposium.

Before leaving, I’d hoped to thank Rick for his presentation and more properly introduce myself, but there was another man in a lengthy discussion with him. I didn’t know him then, but it was Tom, who would later become the Elections Manager in Anoka County. I also didn’t know then that I was to spend a bit of time at the Anoka County Government Center alongside the Anoka County Election Integrity Team (ACEIT). But that would come almost 15 months later at the beginning of 2023.

Not long after, I attended an event in Rosemount put on by Bill where Rick was joined by Susan. I learned later these two spoke often on the phone, which made sense given their backgrounds and areas of expertise. Susan provided much-needed expertise on Minnesota Statutes, often filling an entire slide with text. At first I wondered whether it might be easier to pull snippets from the statutes to focus our attention, but later I realized that the context is key. Just as it is fraught to take Bible verses out of context, statutes should be read carefully to fully take in the language, definitions, and terminology.

Chapter Two

Why did it take me so long to meet Rick and Susan?

Let me start by backtracking in time slightly.

On the third day of the Cyber Symposium, someone had asked what I was going to do next, and I said, We are going to audit the election in Minnesota. And then it was asked, How?, to which I couldn’t properly respond. I simply hadn’t done the background study to see the work of people like Rick and Susan, the latter who had drafted and submitted congressional and senate election contests as well as a petition to stop the certification of the 2020 election in Minnesota (and had come under pressure for doing so, given it appeared she was the only lawyer in Minnesota with the savvy and integrity and courage to do all of this). Susan also wrote the judicial complaint against Judge Sarah Grewing for not recusing herself from key election cases in May 2020 which essentially allowed the executive branch to circumvent the legislature to change election processes for 2020, in particular with regard to absentee and mail-in ballots. (Judge Sarah Grewing received 180 complaints out of the total 700 submitted in 2022.)

Now, I had heard about Rick before but it took some time to finally review his website, Midwest Swamp Watch, much less attend one of his events. In fact it took priming from Molly, who did a review of one of Rick’s events earlier in the summer, and my dissatisfaction with the Telegram groups to get me off my butt and out from behind the computer screen to meet people and properly learn.

It’s not that the Telegram groups weren’t useful at all. There I met people like Nathan and Jeremy and Molly and many others. It’s just that mostly anonymous online groups are much different from in-person groups supplemented by online communication.

When I left the first Telegram group to join the second, I was quickly in a meeting where Jeff and Dan shared findings from the Mesa image, findings which were later reported by Jeff and Walter in the Mesa Report #3 and referenced in Jeff’s nationwide cast vote record study. Also in group two was made a connection to David and Erin of New Mexico which later helped to facilitate event planning.

Then I learned that people in Crow Wing County had invited Seth for an event with Rick and Susan at the Brainerd Exchange in December 2021. I arrived early, rare for me, and got to speak with Rick for a few minutes before, with encouragement from Teri, getting a photo with Seth. Teri and AJ invited me to sit with them. It was a good event and I remember starting to slowly appreciate more of the important election statutes and the work that had come before.

Days later, the people attending county commissioner meetings in Crow Wing got a breakthrough. Although the county attorney recommended to the commissioners that they could not unseal their ballots, it was nevertheless voted 4-1 that the county would ask the Office of the Secretary of State to conduct a forensic audit of their county’s 2020 election. This was the first request of its kind from a Minnesota commissioner group, and only, to date, which was significant for several reasons.

First, it showed that people showing up to commissioner meetings, presenting information, proclaiming truth, and demanding their representatives take action, could actually achieve something. (Many if not all of these commissioner meetings are archived online-short of that the meeting minutes are public.) While many disagreed with the county attorney’s recommendation regarding unsealing ballots (if a county can’t unseal its own ballots, who has the authority?), putting the question to Minnesota Secretary of State Steve Simon allowed him in his role as the chief election officer of the state to weigh in.

Now, Secretary Simon had previously been center stage in the circumvention of the Minnesota Legislature to change election laws in 2020, by strategically becoming the defendent in two lawsuits, which then allowed the changes to be so ordered which opened the floodgates to absentee mail-in ballots with a waived witness signature requirement. Given this background, Secretary Simon’s response might have been predicted…

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It is absurd that in his role as the Minnesota Secretary of State, that Steve Simon would reference those people who were asking the county to prove all the laws had been followed (by conducting the audit) as spreaders of disinformation or as having political or financial motive to corrode confidence in elections. In the case of elections which are run by a county, it is the county which needs to prove the laws and processes were followed-that only legal ballots from legal voters were counted accurately-because the people to date have not been given access (sometimes that access has been illegally and unlawfully withheld) to all the data required to make a definitive assessment. (Although, for many, the withholding of data is more than enough to arouse serious suspicion about the verifiability of ‘official’ results.)

Then, notably, and seemingly off topic, Secretary Simon shares his concern about foreign adversaries cheering our disunity, when it was apparently well understood by Donald John Trump when he signed Executive Order 13848 that it was not foreign interference, but rather domestic election interference (highlighted in Trump’s only tweet in 2023 to date) that had usurped the will of the people time and again, but which in his November 15, 2022 speech emphasized this had become a personal problem for him to put an end to.

Chapter Three

9/11/2001 landed on my 14th birthday. Unlike many American kids, who were shown the images of the planes striking the towers over and over in school, for me, school was cancelled. Still, half a world away, in Jakarta, Indonesia, I watched.

A few years later, still living in southeast Asia, when the United States military forces went to Iraq, my Pakistani and Indian classmates paused their debate over the Cricket World Cup to commentate on the real reasons the United States (rather, the Federal Corporation) was meddling, yet again, in foreign territory.

President Donald John Trump, brilliantly planted by the military was the first Commander in Chief, since John Fitzgerald Kennedy to attempt to disrupt the Washington regime and its worldwide banking and criminal syndicates which has for so long benefitted from endless foreign wars and as a result maintained their grip on power.

This regime is presently losing (has possibly already lost?) its stranglehold. In my case, it took a bit of reading to better comprehend the situation. And therefore peace, the kind of peace the 35th President of the United States spoke about on June 10, 1963, is not only possible in our lifetimes, but it can and will last for a long, long time, if we are ready to maintain it. Even as it seems a great reckoning is upon us, for me, peace is there waiting for us.

When I returned from high school graduation in Beijing to Minnesota in 2006 for college I did not know that I would live in this state for the next 17 years. Nor did I know I would live in three parts of Minneapolis, to be able to appreciate its complexity from at least these three angles, and decide to stay when I could easily have skipped town. Nor did I know that I would become so interested in restoring trustworthiness to elections as a starting point toward once again taking part in a path to peace here and for the entire planet, for men, women, and children everywhere.

As a civilian, it has been tricky but not impossible to follow the plan which made Donald John Trump correctly and legally a wartime president with wartime powers. In part this is indicated in bipartisan legislation such as 50 USC 33 §1550, national emergencies packaged inside executive orders such as EO13818, and how by such executive orders like EO13912 and EO13919 which addressed the unaddressed (by Congress) national emergencies to federalize the National Guard and Reserves. (It is 50 USC 33 §1621 which allows the president to declare war through national emergencies.)

But well before I could begin to comprehend any of that in mid-to-late 2023, I found myself in early 2022 sitting in a county commissioner board room in Dakota County. Here, an altogether foreign language was being spoken. Consent agendas, motions, and a way of conducting meetings that was often incomprehensible to me, being naive as I was. On raised desks the county commissioners sat in an arc flanked by the county administrator and attorney. While these meetings are generally livestreamed and archived, sometimes on YouTube, being present in the room allows one to feel the energy, the emotions, the tension, and the slow progress being made.

In Minnesota, these meetings usually include an open comment or public forum period, at either the opening or the closing, where people can sign in to give two- or three-minute speeches on any topic they wish. This space is made available because it isn’t so easy or quick to get an agenda item where a proper discussion may be had, especially on topics such as election reform. As such, these open forum segments often have odd rules announced directly preceding them about how the county commissioners may ask questions but are not to have a discussion or make any decisions about the information being shared.

Since I sat in, participated, and spoke in a number of these forums, there is much to share, but for the moment it’s important to recognize the following, which is in large part why I echoed the advice of people like David from New Mexico and continued to follow the lead of people like Rick who was showing us in Minnesota (and in South Dakota) one way to approach getting work done in these settings. The lesson is that county commissioner meetings, and so too city council meetings and township board meetings, allow for direct communication on the public record between people and their elected (and appointed) representatives. Even in a future world where by and large representatives will have to be responsive to the people (because we will once again have a functioning election system which can replace representatives), it will be necessary and healthy for not only the people to be well practiced in the language, definitions, and terminology of these meetings, but also for the representatives to be well practiced in not only hearing but also listening to and understanding concerns brought by the people.

That day in Dakota County, I listened to short speeches from people like Rick and Heidi. They informed the county of issues like the electronic security of their voting systems. Or the problem of dropboxes. Or the lack of party balance at the absentee ballot boards. (We will discuss at length, but Minnesota Statutes 203B.121 BALLOT BOARDS is a good place to start for current election law relating to receiving, accepting, rejecting, and processing absentee ballots.) In time the county board would move ever so slightly on dropboxes but small wins like these didn’t seem to address the outright lack of transparency.

I’m not certain of this but I believe part of the reason Dakota County was chosen as a place to advocate for election reform because of the shortcomings in the 2020 postelection review process. To review the statutes, start with 206.89 POSTELECTION REVIEW OF VOTING SYSTEMS.

For one stark example, in the 2020 postelection review for precinct 4950, by my count 863 ballots were missing, or 65%. The acceptable difference by statute is only 0.5%, which means the total adjusted difference looks like it was 130(!) times the acceptable difference. By statute, this should have triggered additional audits, but it did not. Like the unusual disappearance of Building 7, hundreds of missing ballots from a single precinct did not make the news.

Postelection review for precinct 4950

When things don’t add up in the official review, and then the very statute which is written to protect voters is ignored, is it a surprise that people like Susan helped as she did to draft and submit both the congress and senate election contests as well as the petition to stop the certification of Minnesota’s election?

(There are more details to the postelection review story but it is not my story to tell.)

After the first or second Dakota County commissioner meeting I attended, after the group of people who consistently came in support and who participated in the meetings had gone on with their day, Rick invited me to sit down, in the foyer of the Dakota County Government Center, to see a bit more about what he had discovered and was working on. Without my notes on hand I am going on memory. What stood out to me was a discussion about the databases and dashboards that the Office of the Secretary of State in Minnesota must have in order to keep track of things; that is, additional databases or dashboards above and beyond the Statewide Voter Registration System.

It must be said that at this point I was still trying to understand how it was that 734,000 absentee ballots were not connected with voters in the Statewide Voter Registration System on November 29, 2020, 25 days after the election and five days after the certification of the election by the Minnesota State Canvassing Board. (734,000 ballots works out to almost 39% of all absentee ballots accepted in the 2020 general election in Minnesota.) But data requests of the registrations and voter histories had been made, which are given to people who make the request, on the specific day they are requested (which is why the November 29 date is referenced, because the data sent by the Minnesota Office of the Secretary of State was for that date only - for instance it could have been updated the day before or the day after).

At the time it wasn’t required by law for the work on the absentee ballots to completed until about six weeks after election day, but the election manager in Dakota County shared that it only took the push of a button to complete that work. It became a bit of a mystery then why the button wasn’t pushed in 2020 (in many counties) and why there were again significant delays in pushing the button after the 2022 midterms.

Now, if I could ask my classmates from India and Pakistan what they thought about this, I wonder what they would say? Even at 13 or 14 years of age, they were at minimum capable of questioning the official narrative. When I chatted with a friend in the Philippines a few months after November 3rd, he said we had better figure it out.

Of course, the truth about 9/11, about the twin towers’ collapse, about Building 7, and so much else, wasn’t deciphered in a day. And neither has it been revealed to the public in one fell swoop. (For the time being, a few thousand documents relating to 9/11 have been declassified.) And neither would the mystery of precinct 4950 be answered in a day, nor the apparent anxiety about pushing a button to transmit absentee data be understood immediately.

Chapter Four

My given and family name was called and I approached the microphone. I glanced at the commissioner, Felix, who I’d happened to enter the Sherburne County Government Center alongside. I didn’t know then, but he had already or was soon to announce that he would not run for re-election after serving 20 years. Since he was, it was said, one of the more independent commissioners, I’d hoped to get his attention with my words. It was April 2022 and I was about to speak in my first county commissioner meeting. Teri, or one of the others that regularly spoke, had given up their spot so I could have a chance.

On that day I spoke about the before and after images from Mesa County, Colorado, which had been unveiled in part on Day Two of the Cyber Symposium in August of 2021, which were copies of the Dominion Voting Systems Election Management System, a voting vendor and system which Sherburne County also used. I also spoke to the built-in capabilities (understood since at least 2003/4 when Bev Harris unearthed the Diebold GEMS source code online) to select candidates up and down the ballot (and then not perform proper audits to ensure legal ballots from legal voters are counted accurately).

The punchline of Mesa Report #3 is that a duplicate database of the election in Mesa County was created, thus breaking the digital chain of custody of the election records. Therefore the election results for that county, in 2020, could not be verified. Then, a similar thing happened again in the Grand Junction municipal election (also overseen by Clerk Tina Peters, whose story is told in the documentary, Selection Code). If this could happen in one Dominion Voting System, it could happen in any of them, wherever they were used, including in Sherburne County.

I urged the commissioners to gather information to make informed decisions going forward. After all, it is the commissioners in Minnesota counties that under Minnesota Statute 206.58 AUTHORIZATION FOR USE Subdivision 3. Counties that have the authority to use electronic voting systems (or not to use them).

Now, 206.58 was amended by the 93rd Minnesota Legislature to read: Once a municipality has adopted the use of an electronic voting system in one or more precincts, the municipality must continue to use an electronic voting system for state elections in those precincts. Some, including myself, were worried about this because it seems to mandate the use of electronic equipment which has been shown to facilitate fraud.

However, it was recently pointed out by Susan in a presentation on November 14, 2023 in Buffalo that the current amended law is an example of an ex post facto law; laws cannot be drafted to take effect retroactively. When the municipalities opted to use an electronic voting system in the past, did they know that this decision could tie their hands in the future?

In a separate conversation it was raised that there would be a way around the statute as written, which would be to draw new precincts. However, I’m in favor of challenging the amended law in that I agree it is ex post facto. The statute cannot stand as written or municipalities need to be given the choice to decide for the next election whether they want to bind themselves to electronic voting systems so long as the statute exists.

When this amended law plus the amended Chapter 13 statutes banning the release of the ballot image portion of the cast vote records was shared with the Anoka County commissioners in Summer 2023, I believe that a few of them finally understood the gravity of the concerns the people there had been sharing meeting after meeting.

This would not be the only Sherburne County commissioner meeting that I would attend, nor the most interesting.

On July 12, 2022, the Office of the Secretary of State sent their number two man, David Maeda, to speak along with the Sherburne County Auditor, during a county commissioner meeting, about whether the new Dominion voting sytem was indeed a new voting system or not. In the public comment, Rick explained how it was, followed up by several additional speeches on same. A point picked up (visually) by the papers was a large 65-mile-per-hour speed limit sign to emphasize that ignorance of the law does not prevent one from breaking it.

In the prior couple of weeks, in a matter of days, two people had informed the cities and townships across Sherburne County that they had not given the statute-required 60-day notice nor public demonstration of the new electronic voting system.

In the July 12, 2022 meeting Gary spoke about the history of 4.14E and the purchase of 5.15C, a clearly new system as Rick would also explain.

This argument, made with documents from the Election Assistance Commission confirming that going from 4.14 to 5.15 constitutes a new system, was the crux of a Minnesota Supreme Court filing, case number A22-1081, Kieffer v. Governing Body of Municipality of Rosemount, which was dismissed on laches, not with prejudice, prior to the August 9, 2022 primary elections in Minnesota.

As a statewide candidate for Minnesota Secretary of State, I also signed onto this case. Sherburne County as well as its municipalities used the new Dominion system in the 2022 primary election.

Separate from the point of this case, which is that election law wasn’t followed, a news story developed when Drew was attacked by the son of a council member in Rosemount when serving papers. (In future, issues, concerns, complaints, and the like should be able to be made directly with the Office of the Secretary of State, with the Minnesota Secretary of State representing the state’s chief election officer, to avoid awkward and dangerous situations of service as occurred in Rosemount that evening. This goes for election contests as well, which are very difficult to file within a window with the constraints of delivering service.)

Over a year later, minutes before his trial on September 11, 2023, Drew was pressed by the prosecution to settle, but he did not. And then the case was dropped by the prosecution pursuant to Minnesota Statute 30.01.

Was this entire case meant to punish this man (and his family) for simply helping to deliver service on a case which rightly shined a light where Minnesota statutes with regard to elections were not being followed?

There is a bigger point to make, in a subsequent chapter, about the pressure asserted against those trying to get to the truth, related to the primary author of the petition in A22-1081.

But now, back to the July 12, 2022 commissiooner meeting…

After the meeting’s conclusion, a crowd gathered around David Maeda to ask more questions. I was on the edge, so only learned later what was said, which was an admission according to those who heard that he might have inadvertently misled people by his comments in the commissioner meeting, or misunderstood the point of the matter regarding the new system.

Meanwhile I was nearby and struck up a conversation with the county administrator. He told me that the commissioners were happy with the risks of the Dominion systems. He also said that by asking for a public hearing on the matter of electronic voting systems in general, that we were asking for the wrong thing. It was a reminder that when working with government (never forget that the people are the government), the right language, definitions, and terminology should be understood and used. As was demonstrated that day, in my opinion, the representative of the Office of the Secretary of State got caught off guard because those speaking in favor of following the statute had done their homework and used language that he could not properly counter. David Maeda was seen leaving the building toward the parking lot, already on the phone, perhaps with the Office of the Secretary of State.

A22-1081 was soon filed in Rosemount and the Minnesota Secretary of State responded to the case, arguing essentially over the definition of ‘new’.

As ever, the people working for transparency, for legal ballots from legal voters to be counted, for oversight in the absentee ballot process, just want the laws on the books to be followed, because those laws are there to protect all voters and the trustworthiness of the election process itself.

Chapter Five

I’m writing this on November 22, 2023. Yesterday I heard a man say that it was this day 60 years ago that he started having a problem with authority. Can only imagine the frustration of recognizing that the official narratives are way off but that few around you are as interested as you in sorting it out. The patience and persistence involved, to set worries aside, to remain focused on attaining peace, by so many, is something I am thankful for today.

Every once in a while get a text or email thanking me for the work I’m doing. This encouragement is greatly appreciated. Though I do see it more as service. Not military service. I did not, at least in this life, serve in the military. But I’d like to think there are different kinds of service, that each of us can take turns. This service need not be in military uniform: In 2017 while removing invasive plant species from Father Hennepin Bluff Park below Saint Anthony Main and the historic A-Mill, which itself overlooks the Stone Arch Bridge, one of the women, age 70, said she thought everyone should do a year of community service upon retiring from their career.

In what is remembered as his Peace Speech, which John Fitzgerald Kennedy gave on June 10, 1963, he asked, What kind of peace do we seek? Surely not an enforced peace which makes us all slaves. Five months prior the 35th president had signed Executive Order 11110 which issued $3.7 billion directly from the treasury, going around the Federal Reserve. I’ve learned a bit about the Federal Reserve, which is neither federal nor a reserve, but rather an instrument to exploit the masses and keep the rulers in power, from books like The Creature from Jekyll Island and The Economic Pinch, the latter by Charles A. Lindbergh, Sr., a congressman from Minnesota, who opposed the Federal Reserve Act (the immediate follow-on to the Aldrich Act), which established the central bank. Lindbergh asserted that to pass this act would be to sell the nation’s grandchildren into slavery. Also of note, about 111 years ago (in April 1912), three prominent men who opposed the Federal Reserve, John Jacob Astor, Isador Strauss, and Benjamin Guggenheim, all were aboard the Titanic and died. Two other men (who it seems supported the Federal Reserve), J.P. Morgan, and E.L. Doheny, had apparently booked passage but cancelled before the ship’s departure.

I think the reason this is notable is to show how the uniparty, even then, in 1912, manipulated things to get the Aldrich plan through (under another name) regardless of there being a new president from the other major party, Wilson. Furthermore, to remind us that there were indeed people wise to the nefarious and conspiratorial plan (hatched on Jekyll Island but no doubt planned for some time prior by the finance houses) but that these people—like Astor, Strauss, and Guggenheim—were done away with in spectacular fashion, with plausible deniability as to the intent.

Such techniques are likely as old as time and have their echoes in even more recent years, a variant of which was already mentioned regarding Seth Rich, who Julian Assange indicated was the Wikileaks source for the Clinton and Podesta emails which it seems dealt a massive blow to Hillary’s 2016 campaign. Rich would have to be punished, surely, for exposing the truth.

So, how can there ever be peace of mutual respect when such criminal syndicates and people, who are willing to commit murder and worse, remain loose on and under the landscape all across the planet?

I don’t know that there can be. Which perhaps is why Commander in Chief Trump has so often emphasized law and order (as well as laws and orders). Even the actor who is playing “Biden” (James Woods, George Clooney, Jim Carrey?) when asked by Trump in the first presidential debate whether he supported law and order, said he supported law and order with justice where people get treated fairly, and the fact of the matter is violent crime went down 17 percent, 15 percent, during our administration.

By the way, that 17 percent is a nod to Q (from “Biden”!… who says “17 percent 15 percent”?), the 17th letter of the alphabet, as well as the Q posts, broadcast to the world starting October 28, 2017, it seems to me by a team with Q clearance helping to guide people like you and me all across the world through the various stages of the storm. If you’re not following this, that’s okay, because we will all find out… Rewatching that presidential debate broadcast now makes me smile because it is a brilliant performance from whomever is playing “Biden” but also from President Trump, who would have known “Biden” was an actor (from well before he came down the escalator four days after the Department of Defense published the Law of War manual on June 12, 2015).

In a sting operation of this magnitude, a bit of trickery is needed. As a friend of mine has said, it doesn’t do to hack at the branches; much better to take an axe to the root. (And as already discussed, the puppet government, first with Donald John Trump at the helm, and then “Biden”, fit into the continuity of operations plan, or continuity of government, side by side with the military occupancy, laid out in book forthcoming from Derek Johnson.)

And this operation does have magnitude, considering that in order to reduce or eradicate syndicates capable of sinking ships to eliminate their enemies or getting away with ordering murder in broad daylight, the operation by definition must be conducted with worldwide support partners (as indicated in 50 USC 33 §1550).

Coming back to President John Fitzgerald Kennedy’s speech, again, known as his Peace Speech… JFK answers his opening question about what kind of peace do we seek with this:

I am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of universal peace and good will, of which some fantasies and fanatics dream. I do not deny the value of hopes and dreams, but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal. Let us focus instead on a more practical or attainable peace based not on a sudden revolution in human nature, but on a gradual evolution in human institutions, on a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned. There is no single simple key to this peace. No grand or magic formula to be adopted by one or two powers. Genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts. It must be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation, for peace is a process, a way of solving problems. With such a peace, there will still be quarrels and conflicting interests, as there are within families and nations. World peace like community peace does not require that each man love his neighbor, it requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement. And history teaches us, that enmity between nations, as between individuals, do not last forever. However fixed our likes and dislikes may seem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations between nations and neighbors. So let us persevere. Peace need not be impractical. And war need not be inevitable. By defining our goal more clearly, by making it seem more manageable and less remote, we can help all people to see it, to draw hope from it, and to move irresistibly towards it.

I have said it many times this past year, that a lasting peace is within reach, certainly within our lifetimes, at least on this planet, as I daily learn of all the preparation and work that has been done since Trump came down the escalator and the cleanup of trafficking was declared with orders like EO13818.

Because America is not alone in this effort. One of our many allies, Viktor Orbán, Prime Minister of Hungary, has recently said that he has a peace strategy, which contrasts the war strategy set by the current European model built in Brussels; Orbán’s and Hungary’s is a peace strategy which I think will be increasingly adopted.

But Orbán’s peace strategy connects back to the peace strategy set out and agreed to by the planetwide military alliance currently in operation. Donald John Trump’s 2017 tour to Riyahd, to Beijing’s Forbidden City, to North Korea, to the United Kingdom, to the Vatican, and with Putin in Hamburg… these were perhaps part of the agreements necessary to establish peace but also symbolic to show the world what was about to happen.

Presidents Lincoln and Kennedy both went around the Federal Reserve, Lincoln with the greenbacks and Kennedy with the silver certificates. Both were assassinated. But the Federal Reserve, and central banks worldwide, cannot operate as they have been for peace to exist, and so President Trump and the operation have disrupted them. And yet Commander in Chief Trump has not been assassinated.

Chapter Six

On the evening before the third Mike Lindell event, this one, like the second, in Springfield, Missouri, when speaking with a few others who also attended all three events, I mentioned that I hoped this was the last time we would be meeting up like this. When expressions suggested I clarify, I said, Well I hope that the public awareness is high enough and that this can all be cleaned up.

A few days ago now, as I write this in late November (today is the day after Thanksgiving), Commander in Chief Trump has recently said that they have so much evidence of election fraud and interference and cannot wait to reveal it in his trial.

That ‘trial’ is scheduled for March 4, 2024, which is significantly the anniversary of the original inauguration day for American presidents, beginning with George Washington (the last inauguration on March 4th was President Franklin D. Roosevelt on March 4, 1933). Comms in Commander in Chief Trump’s speeches around September and October of 2023 suggesting ‘Biden’ may be taken care of in about five months (I don’t know that it takes five months) point directly to the start of that ‘trial’. This isn’t a prediction, but merely pointing out that everything about this plan, with regard to comms and optics, is chosen and timed deliberately. For another obvious example, consider the numerous comms in Commander in Chief Trump’s speech on November 15, 2022 (the anniversary of our first constitution, the Articles of Confederation, in 1777).

Given my belief that single day, verified, hand-counted paper ballots are required for sensible and trustworthy elections in this country, at least in the near term, the question for me is not really why, who, when, where, but more so what and how.

What paper ballot methods and how will those be implemented.

Paper ballots are of course, nothing new, and it was useful, for just one instance, to review a recording of previous election judges in Anoka County who shared their experiences from decades ago with the county commissioners during the public comment segment of a Summer 2023 county commissioner board meeting. They talked about how they enjoyed it and were even done counting the ballots and votes well within twenty four hours of the close of polls. There are many people who have participated in hand counts of various kinds, whether in decades past, or in recent recounts, or in more recent practice sessions, such as Rick’s hand count studies held in Summer and Autumn 2023 in South Dakota and Minnesota, one of which I participated in on July 13, 2023.

I do want to at least touch on if not go into some detail on those studies (more can be found on USCASE.org), but first I want to step way back and consider the foundations of voting.

Why do we vote?

It has been said that our vote is our voice and therefore sacred. To take away someone’s right to vote is like taking away their voice. Not on.

In our constitutional republic, which we hope to soon reconstitute (see the appendix of the Federal Continuity Directive 1 published on January 17, 2021, three days before President Donald John Trump’s inauguration where he was flanked by Military Intelligence and Judge Advocate General), votes are tallied to decide representatives of the people in government.

The previous version of this book’s appendix laid out a brief history of types of voting: voice, hand, machine (non-electronic), punch card, and electronic (such as ballot scanning or even touch screen). The reader can imagine or may have seen or participated in the above or variations of the above. There are different ways of voting!

Instead of an electronic system that can hide behind trade secrets laws or proprietary technology, why not use a voting method that every voter, (and fifth graders that are not even allowed to vote yet) can understand? This was the rationale from the German Constitutional Court in 2009 when electronic voting machines were banned. They are not the only European country to opt for paper ballots counted by hand. The Dutch went to paper in 2017 for their general, and France’s recent elections have done so as well.

Detractors have said, But there can be cheating with paper as well! Of course there can be, but hardly to the same extent (at least not as easily) and that makes such retorts invalid as arguments to keep black box voting. (And when I write, of course there can be, it is because I have witnessed members of the Minnesota Republican Party, in the Senate District 50 local officer elections in March 2023, cheat before my eyes, with a combination of paper ballots and mishandled Excel sheets—this same group of individuals also shredded ballots in one key race to prevent an audit. As it turns out, some of those that were elected were stand-ins for those being replaced and did not opt to perform a deeper audit on the remaining races for which I’d asked for corrections of improper Excel formulas which changed the results of at least two races.)

Knowing that the people can no longer tolerate black-box voting, which accurately describes the current electronic voting system, because it lacks transparency, verifiability, and auditability, the obvious alternative is some form of manual hand voting and manual hand counting.

An article written in late Summer 2023 by the author of Election Data Analyzer asked why certain hand count methods currently being devised aren’t missing the point (or missing the advantages) in that they are trying to fit the counting and tallying method into the prevailing ballot design, which are primarly designed to be counted electronically by scanners like the DS200 from ES&S, the most popular ballot scanner in Minnesota in 2020, used in about 78 out of 87 counties. (That appendix also references how there is evidence the hanging chad situation was actually an operation—through reports from those working on the those ballots where unusual specifications were ordered for Palm Beach—to cast doubt on that method to more quickly usher in electronic voting methods, as further evidenced by the HAVA being signed shortly thereafter in 2002 doling out $3 billion for implementation. Consider that the hanging chad story was at the center of the presidential election in Florida, the decisive state, which meant the centralized news coverage could easily influence millions of Americans outside of Florida.)

In determining voting method, we need not limit ourselves to the current ballots which are designed to be counted by the tabulators which have been proven to facilitate fraud. If the ballot designs don’t have to be the same, then the method of tally when a hand or manual count is done can also vary. Pause for a moment and consider the possibilities. Keep in mind transparency, efficiency, and the ability of the public to easily comprehend the method. I liked a recent article that described the ‘feel’ of our next and future elections, that they might have the atmosphere of a farmers market. Neighbors coming together to enjoy the day. Instead of a tension augmented by political machines and suspicion magnified by electronic machines and their flawed software, hardware, and firmware.

One interesting suggestion is to actually weigh ballots using a new method that takes what has been learned in other countries and improves upon it. We don’t have to keep doing the same thing over and over, especially when that method has been proven to aide those attempting to undermine our republic and ultimately our way of life. (Executive Order 13848 was put in place with good reason and for good reason.)

However, if we are to keep the ballot designs we have (as I write this I seem to doubt that we will, because why would we?), then I like what Rick has come up with, which can be seen at USCASE.org. There are other methods, such as that use a giant calculator readable by a livestreamed video, or a dab method popularized in Missouri, but so far I like what I see with Rick’s tally sheet design. Of course every state will have to be mindful of their statutes and procedures (statutes and procedures can also be changed!).

All this gets me quite excited about future elections. By using a one day verified paper ballot election without electronic and centralized software, most risks outside of the public view can be removed. Yes, there’s much work to do not only in the awareness raising (this has largely been done—see Rasumussen polls) but also implementation as well as possible adjustments to election codes and election procedures.

In the next chapter, I’ll briefly review some of the pushback against hand counts that was received in Minnesota as the people brought these ideas to townships, cities, and counties.